Hamblin's discussion of Locke brings him to the real reason for the title of the chapter; and Locke could be said to have had the greatest influence on the discussion of fallacies of anyone after Aristotle. That must be qualified, however, by the fact that fallacies were not his central concern in the discussion that influenced the tradition, and it is arguable that he wasn't concerned with them at all. The relevant part of Locke's text is in the Hansen and Pinto anthology, and I've made that part of your assignment; but, in fact, Hamblin already quotes the text in full in his account of it. (There is actually something closer to a discussion of fallacious reasoning later in Locke's Essay—specifically, in book IV, ch. 20, §§7-17.)
Watts is less important, but he illustrates the way Locke's discussion came to influence views of fallacies. The Hansen and Pinto anthology contains some selections from his work that illustrate he treatment of both the Aristotelian list and Locke's arguments ad. That's also part of your assignment.
Bentham, too, illustrates the reception of Locke; Bentham is always has his own way of looking at things, and you should watch especially for things in his view that seem distinctive.
Hamblin gives the bulk of the text of Smith's "Noodle's Oration"; but, if you are curious, here is the whole thing:
What would our ancestors say to this, Sir? How does this measure tally with their institutions? How does it agree with their experience? Are we to put the wisdom of yesterday in competition with the wisdom of centuries? [Hear! hear!] Is beardless youth to show no respect for the decisions of mature age? [Loud cries of hear! hear!] If this measure be right, would it have escaped the wisdom of those Saxon progenitors to whom we are indebted for so many of our best political institutions? Would the Dane have passed it over? Would the Norman have rejected it? Would such a notable discovery have been reserved for these modern and degenerate times? Besides, Sir, if the measure itself is good, I ask the honorable gentleman if this is the time for carrying it into execution—whether, in fact, a more unfortunate period could have been selected than that which he has chosen? If this were an ordinary measure I should not oppose it with so much vehemence; but, Sir, it calls in question the wisdom of an irrevocable law—of a law passed at the memorable period of the Revolution. What right have we, Sir, to break down this firm column on which the great men of that age stamped a character of eternity? Are not all authorities against this measure—Pitt, Fox, Cicero, and the Attorney- and Solicitor- General? The proposition is new, Sir; it is the first time it was ever heard in this House. I am not prepared, Sir—this House is not prepared—to receive it. The measure implies a distrust of his Majesty's Government; their disapproval is sufficient to warrant opposition. Precaution only is requisite where danger is apprehended. Here the high character of the individuals in q gradual; the example of a neighboring nation should fill us with alarm! The honorable gentleman has taxed me with illiberality, Sir; I deny the charge. I hate innovation, but I love improvement. I am an enemy to the corruption of government, but I defend its influence. I dread reform, but I dread it only when it is intemperate. I consider the liberty of the press as the great palladium of the Constitution; but, at the same time, I hold the licentiousness of the press in the greatest abhorrence. Nobody is more conscious than I am of the splendid abilities of the honorable mover, but I tell him at once his scheme is too good to be practicable. It savors of Utopia. It looks well in theory, but it won't do in practice. It will not do, I repeat, Sir, in practice; and so the advocates of the measure will find, if, unfortunately, it should find its way through Parliament. [Cheers.] The source of that corruption to which the honorable member alludes is in the minds of the people; so rank and extensive is that corruption, that no political reform can have any effect in removing it. Instead of reforming others—instead of reforming the State, the Constitution, and everything that is most excellent, let each man reform himself! let him look at home, he will find there enough to do without looking abroad and aiming at what is out of his power. [Loud cheers.] And now, Sir, as it is frequently the custom in this House to end with a quotation, and as the gentleman who preceded me in the debate has anticipated me in my favorite quotation of the "Strong pull and the long pull," I shall end with the memorable words of the assembled barons: "Nolumus leges Angliae mutari."*
* "We do not wish the laws of England to be changed."
[This is drawn from the full text of Smith's review of Bentham available online at the Modern History Sourcebook: http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/smith-antireform.html.]